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Israèl est contre TORAH

*"Les sionistes me dégoûtent autant que les nazis."
(Victor Klemperer, philologue allemand d'origine juive, 1881-1960)

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L’initiative sioniste de proclamer l’État d’Israël constitue une révolte contre la volonté divine, contre la Torah, une révolte qui a engendré une vague interminable de violence et de souffrance. À l’occasion de la fondation de l’État hérétique, les juifs fidèles à la Torah pleurent cette tentative d’extirper les enseignements de la Torah, de transformer les juifs en une « nation laïque » et de réduire le judaïsme au nationalisme.......Nous déplorons les tragédies que la révolution sioniste a provoquées chez les Palestiniens, notamment des déportations, l’oppression et la subjugation..Que nous méritions que cette année toutes les nations, en acceptant la souverainet

é divine, puissent se réjouir dans une Palestine libre et dans une Jérusalem libre! Amen. Offert par Netouré Karta International : www.nkusa.orglink

                                               


   

 


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ENGLISH;history of palestine and israél

Vendredi 6 février 2009 5 06 /02 /2009 10:31

1948 – 2008 : Palestine colonisée – peuple dépossédé
[diaporama flash, avec du son, subdivisé en chapitres pour faciliter la visualisation]

// chapitre1 - Résolutions et Conventions Internationales: (9'45)

>> chapitre2 - Jérusalem Haut lieu des religions -10'03
>> chapitre3 - Déconstruire Construire Détruire - 11'41
>> chapitre4 - Mouvement Sioniste: Les Préparations de la Catastrophe - 6'29
>> chapitre5 - Nettoyage ethnique - 8'25
>> chapitre6 - La Guerre des Six Jours - 2'46
>> chapitre7 - Les Ressources en Eau, Leur Contrôle et Exploitation - 13'50
>> chapitre8 - Bibliographie

 

ce diaporama a été conçu pour les 60 ans de la Nakba:
>> nos activités lors des 60 ans de la Nakba mai 2008
>> photos de nos actions et conférences - 60 ans de la Nakba - mai 2008
>> commander ce diaporama en version haute-définition pour présentation publique (Powerpoint) - frais: CHF 10.-

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http://www.urgencepalestine.ch/diaporamaNakba/resoInternat.html 

Par noesam - Publié dans : ENGLISH;history of palestine and israél - Communauté : paix et tolérance
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Vendredi 6 février 2009 5 06 /02 /2009 10:27
http://video.google.co.uk/videoplay?docid=814874317042180338&hl=en-GB
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history | project | testimony | photo48 | contact | links | events | people | press

Introduction

The Nakba Archive DVD cover

Buy the Nakba Archive
documentary DVD

During the 1948 war with the nascent state of Israel it is estimated that around half of the 1.4 million Palestinian Arabs were driven from their homes or fled, to neighboring Arab states. This period of Palestinian history has come to be known as al-Nakba, ‘the catastrophe’. Of the 750,000 displaced Palestinians, approximately 110,000 (mostly from northern Palestine) sought refuge in Lebanon.

While recent historiography of the Palestine question has shown a growing awareness of the importance of recording the events of 1948 from the perspective of those previously marginalized in nationalist narratives – peasants, women, camp refugees, poorer city dwellers, Bedouin tribes, etc. – there is still little documentation on the events of 1948 as experienced and remembered by the non-elite majority of Palestinian society.

Since 2002 the Nakba Archive has recorded filmed interviews with first generation Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon about the events of 1948. While the project has centered its work in the twelve official United Nations Relief and Works Administration (UNRWA) camps around the country, it has also conducted interviews and research within unregistered refugee “gatherings,” and with middle class and elite Palestinians living in urban centers around Lebanon. Between December 2002 and September 2005 a team of local and international researchers and scholars, have created a unique archive of approximately 500 video testimonies with refugees from over 130 villages. The collection consists of around 1,000 hours of filmed testimony.

Five duplicate sets of the interviews have been produced, along with a detailed database and search engine. Copies of the archive will be held at Oxford University, Birzeit University, Harvard University, the American University (Cairo) and as part of the Remembrance Museum being established by the Welfare Association in the West Bank.

The work of the Nakba Archive was made possible thanks to the generous support of the Ford Foundation and the Welfare Association, and a number of private donors.

http://www.nakba-archive.org/history.htm

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History

1948-1993

During the 1948 war with the nascent state of Israel it is estimated that around half of the 1.4 million Palestinian Arabs were driven from their homes or fled, to neighbouring Arab states. At the end of the fighting, the new state of Israel controlled 77 percent of the territory of Mandatory Palestine, while the West Bank and the Gaza strip fell to Jordan and Egypt respectively.

This period of Palestinian history has come to be known as al-Nakba, 'the catastrophe'. Of the 750,000 displaced Palestinians, approximately 110,000 (mostly from northern Palestine) sought refuge in Lebanon. The majority of these refugees registered with UNRWA, and were given refuge in one of the dozen camps operated by the organisation around the country. While some of the wealthier refugee families from 1948 and 1967 were given citizenship, the Lebanese government has refused to naturalize the vast majority of Palestinian refugees. Moreover, it has actively discouraged assimilation fearing that an influx of Sunni Muslims would upset the Lebanese political system balancing the country's minorities.

1993-2000

While Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, following the Oslo Accords of 1993, have seen the implementation of self-rule by the Palestinian National Authority, and been promised a future Palestinian State, the peace process seems increasingly unlikely to secure any meaningful "right of return" for the majority of Palestinian refugees now living in Lebanon who trace their displacement back to 1948.

A growing recognition since Camp David II, on the part of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) and Western governments, of the highly marginal position of Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon has led to call for a policy of "Lebanon first". This proposal acknowledges the need to prioritize the claims of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon in any final status agreement due to the intransigent position of the government towards a policy of naturalization, and the extreme deprivation that has come to characterize life, not only in the original UNRWA camps, but also the unofficial camps that have developed around the country.

Despite this long overdue recognition of the precarious position of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon, their fate continues to be uncertain as their host country determinedly calls for their removal, and Israel adamantly resists their return. Meanwhile, the generation of 1948 whose memories of life in Palestine are dying out, is replaced by generations whose collective sense of past and future is bound up with a country they have never seen.

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Photo48

Photo48 - excerpts

Said Otruk is a Palestinian refugee from Acre who now lives at the center of the old souk in the port town of Sidon. “This is me,” he says, gesturing to a frayed photo pasted on the window of his electrical shop. The small sepia figures in the image are gathered by a dock and the shards of light on the surface of the sea appear illuminated by what, in this dark alley in south Lebanon, seems an almost other-worldly radiance; the midday sun over Acre in 1948. Said points to a few words in the top right hand corner: “al ayam thahabiyye”. “These were the golden days,” he reiterates as he turns back to his worktable. “I remember it all as if it were yesterday – I look at this photo and imagine myself there, this is life… The eye sees but the hand does not reach.”

Photo48 collects together personal photos, like Said’s, that have survived the displacement of 1948. The importance of preserving these intimate remnants of a history now largely invisible within a larger global frame of reference, cannot be underestimated as Palestine as a historical signifier is in danger of losing it’s signified. Palestine as it was before 1948 has ceased to exist; Acre is no longer a Palestinian port and the other histories of this city, like this visible reminder taped to Said’s window, circulate as highly personal, scattered memories. This book proposal is the first to focus specifically on the photos and memories of Palestinians from the camps (as opposed to photos of the Palestinian elite, about which several books have been published) brings together a powerful collection of images and narratives that bear witness to the ongoing legacy of 1948 in the lives of refugees in the diaspora today. Each image in Photo48 will be accompanied by an anecdote that offers the reader a glimpse into what everyday life was like in pre-1948 Palestine.

For elders from the generation of 1948 who remember Palestine, these photographs are objects of affective transference: they evoke memories of the past that remain crucial to a present sense of self. While some refugees like Said publicly display their photos, others nest them in a breast pocket, or keep them out of sight for safekeeping. One elderly man now living in the Beqa who had worked for the Palestine police under the British mandate, produced a box of negatives from his time in service that had remained undeveloped under his bed for 57 years. When we persuaded him to let us print the images, the results – which will be featured in the book – were extraordinary. As sacred objects in the lives of refugees today, these pictures and the ways in which they are kept, have come to record another history of relation and belonging – the creases and tattered edges show years of careful handling and of longing. Photo48 showcases these photos therefore not simply as souvenirs, or representations – but as imprints of Palestine that, for their owners, carry material traces of places and people from the past within them.

A project initiated by the Nakba Archive, an independent cultural, collective run by Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon, Photo48 serves as an unprecedented initiative—a visual document of histories long overlooked. Under the co-directorship of Diana Allan from Harvard University and Mahmoud Zeidan in Lebanon, the Nakba-Archive has, to date, recorded around 500 testimonies on film with first generation refugees about their memories of 1948 and their communities prior to the displacement. Photo48, a100 page photo book proposal grows directly from this archival project. A series of these photo narratives were printed in the fall 2005 issue of Bidoun.

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Mercredi 28 janvier 2009 3 28 /01 /2009 13:09
Let me tell you about Palestine, the way it used to be"
Sumia Ibrahim writing from the United States, Live from Palestine, 26 January 2009

The author's grandparents and their children in Baghdad in 1955.

I have never seen my grandmother without a large medallion hanging from her neck. As a child, I stared at the pendant's engraving of a gold-domed structure, watched the turquoise walls glimmer as they caught light from the piercing Iraqi sun. When I asked Tata what the pendant depicted, she replied, "The place where I'm from." I thought of it as a palace towering in a far, mythic land, like the great emerald castle of Oz.

I later understood that it was the Dome of the Rock, located at the heart of Jerusalem's Old City. The city, a religious and at times economic and cultural hub of a predominately Arab Palestine for nearly 1,200 years, has been in modern times, hotly contested with the establishment of the State of Israel on Palestinian soil in 1948. With the birth of the Zionist state, came the destruction of Palestinian society, and Tata was forced to flee her home along with more than 700,000 other Palestinians. When I finally understood the pendant's historical context, I realized that for Tata, it symbolized a land that she treasured but could not return to, an emblem of both beauty and tragedy.

As years passed, the medallion became lackluster, its once glimmering surface now dull, corroded by decades of wind and sand. No longer charming the sun's light, it became an unassuming feature on Tata's body, like a scar on a friend's face that one used to discreetly examine but now rarely notices. I overlooked the pendant and overlooked Tata's experience. But like a scar whose origin has gone unpronounced, the desire for discovery lingers until it is fulfilled. The year 2008 began, marking the 60th anniversary of the Nakba, the forced expulsion of Palestinians from their homeland. Across the world, people celebrated Israel's "Independence Day." Others remembered the lives of the hundreds of thousands of Palestinians killed or displaced in its wake and the nearly four million Palestinians still living under the Israeli military occupation of the West Bank and the brutal siege of the Gaza Strip, and the population of five million Palestinian refugees that have yet to see their right of return realized. On this memorable anniversary, and the year of Tata's 80th birthday, I asked her for the first time, "What was it like for you?"

Tata clasped the pendant and smiled. "Let me tell you about Palestine, the way it used to be," she said in Arabic. "The thing I'll remember most is my childhood in the city of Jaffa. Every day we would go to the beach and play in the sand. It was just one block from our home, the apartment building that my father owned. At night we would sit on the balcony and watch the big ships sail by, listening to them whistle." Tata laughed. "We ate so many oranges! They called them 'the yellow gold.' My uncles worked as orange merchants. They would bring big bags to our house. I would pile up ten, 11 oranges in my lap and eat them all at once."

She also told me about the hardships of being a girl in the 1930s. "When I was in seventh grade, my father heard a sermon at the mosque that girls should not be too educated. The imam said that it's enough for girls to be able to read and write. So my father pulled me out of school at the age of 12."

Tata's voice softened. "I had been very happy in school. I loved learning and spending time with my friends. So I was very upset when I couldn't go anymore. I cried a lot. I would see my friends through the window walking to school, see them walking happily without me, and I'd cry."

As Tata began to talk about her marriage, her tears dried and her honey-colored eyes sparkled with girlhood excitement. "At first they said he was too old for me. But then they said it was fine. He was a principal of a school in a nearby village. When we first moved into our house in the village, I couldn't believe how big it was. My friends would come visit me while your grandfather was at work and we would jump rope together in the middle of the living room."

Soon, Tata was no longer smiling as she began to tell me about the political situation that existed in Palestine during her childhood. "When I was a child, I heard all about the Jews that were immigrating little by little to Palestine, especially Tel Aviv, which was close by us. We knew they wanted our land, but they weren't very powerful. We didn't pay much attention to it."

"I remember hearing about Balfour, though," Tata continued, "The British wrote this declaration [in 1917] which said that Jews needed their own homeland in Palestine. Palestinians didn't agree. It was our land, why should we divide it?" Tata sighed, "Then it began."

"We were hearing about Jews raiding Palestinian towns. My brother bought a pistol for self-defense, in case there was a raid. The Palestinian resistance began. There was a four month general strike [in 1936] throughout Palestine to protest. No one went to work. My father would stay home all day." This has come to be known as the Arab Revolt in Palestine, which was concentrated in the years 1936 to 1939. The nearly 10,000 Arab fighters and Palestinian society at large demanded an end to the British Mandate, which helped facilitate Zionist immigration and settlement of the land. Zionist paramilitary organizations and British forces stifled the revolt and 120 Arabs were sentenced to death, my grandfather among them. Though he was tortured in captivity, he was luckily able to narrowly avoid execution.

"At this time [1947-1948] we were still hopeful. Arab forces came from all over to fight for Palestine. At the same time, huge ships came in full of Jewish people immigrating to Palestine. I saw them getting off the boats at the docks."

"Then the massacres of villages began. There were three villages by Jaffa that were massacred. Deir Yassin was the one that led us to leave. It was a Friday and men were all out praying at the mosque. The Jewish forces entered the houses and killed children and their mothers. They threw them in wells and killed children while they were in their mother's laps. [Your grandfather] came home. He had heard about the massacres. He said 'that's it, we can't stay anymore.' He heard about the women being raped and that was the last straw."

"At first we moved to an apartment further away from the bay. We thought this would be safer. Everyone else in our building left too. But we didn't want to leave Palestine for good. We thought the Arab forces would come and save us. Your grandfather was asked to give news on a radio station run by Arab troops. He did this for some time, trying to convince people not to leave our country, to stay and fight."

"There were bombings during that time. I used to look outside the window and see explosions coming from all directions. My daughters, one four years old, the other two years old, were very scared."

"Because of the situation, we decided it would be best for our daughters if we moved further away from the fighting, to Nablus, for some time. This was in the early summer of 1948. All we took with us were some clothes, a roll up mattress, a small carpet, a prayer rug, a few kitchen supplies, and some books. We only had 80 Jordanian dinars with us. We left our furniture because we were worried it would break on the way. We left our diplomas. We thought, 'we'll back in three months or so.' We thought by then the Zionists would be defeated. When we left, we left everything."

"In Nablus we lived in a tiny apartment. There was only one room for all of us to sleep in, a small kitchen, and a bathroom. We didn't have any furniture, so we piled up our things on the floor against the walls."

"We wanted the Arab troops to fight so we could return to our home in Jaffa and return to our lives. We saw Arab troops around and we would ask them, 'Why are you here? Why aren't you fighting?' They responded, 'We don't have the orders to fight.' We would see Arab troops spending their whole days at the public baths, so we used to have a rhyme that went 'There aren't orders for the battlefield, but there are orders for the bath.'" Tata smiles briefly then adds soberly, "We realized this wouldn't be over quickly."

"We stayed for two months in Nablus. We decided for our family's safety, for our daughters, we had to leave the country until we got it back. Your grandfather was working for an English pharmaceutical company called Evans, in the advertising department. They had a branch in Baghdad too. He arranged to transfer his position to Baghdad. He had a friend in Iraq in the Foreign Ministry, a man who sent him translated articles for free gave us Iraqi passports. So we tied all of our things up on the top of a taxi and drove to Amman. It was very expensive, it cost us 40 dinars. From Amman we went to Baghdad."

"On our way to Baghdad we saw many pick up trucks with Palestinian refugees in the back. They were coming from villages that had been massacred or destroyed, taken by Iraqi troops to Baghdad. They traveled all that way under the hot sun, with nothing above them to provide shade. I would see them throwing up out of the back of the trucks, getting sick from the heat. They were taken to 'Tobchee,' a neighborhood with government housing, and received assistance from the Iraqi government." Tata explained that these refugees, the ones that were able to resettle in Iraq, were the lucky ones.

Many Palestinians ended up in refugee camps in squalid circumstances, both "internally" in what came to be known as the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and externally in Jordan, Lebanon, and Syria. Many Palestinian refugees faced hostility from their government hosts, but in some countries such as Lebanon, they held and still hold practically no rights amid systematic policies of discrimination towards refugees.

Tata begins to describe the hardships her family faced as refugees in a foreign country. "At first, when we got to Baghdad, we stayed in the best hotel. It was paid for by Evans. But after that, things didn't work out with their branch in Baghdad. They paid your grandfather two months salary then let him go. We were very worried. But he heard from other Palestinians that Arab Bank was opening a branch in Baghdad. He got a job there as a teller for a very low wage. His manager loaned him money to support his family. Eventually he was promoted to be a manager."

"Your grandfather started working as a translator as well, translating books and articles from English to Arabic. He was always working. He worked two or three jobs to support us all. He got very sick. He was tired all the time and complained of pain, but he still had to work." Tata explained that he grew up as a farmer in a small Palestinian village, Budrus, and spent his entire life engaged in relentless hard work in an attempt to advance his family's circumstances.

Upon visiting Budrus in 2006, I was told stories of my grandfather's determination for advancement. He used to place his feet in a pot of icy water, I was told, to keep himself alert as he studied. He used to stand on a chair with his head in a noose that hung from the ceiling while he studied through the night, motivating himself not fall asleep. "He was a great man," people exclaimed to me. With his father, he built the first girls' school in the village and went door to door convincing parents to allow their daughters to go to school. He also walked miles daily to a nearby town in order to attend high school, and taught himself to be proficient in English. I understood his desire for upward mobility upon seeing the house that he spent his early childhood in. He lived in a small, cobbled stone structure, the first floor of which was a stable that housed animals and the second floor of which was used for residence. It was entirely empty except for a hole in the wall where blankets were stored.

Tata recalls how my grandfather dreamed of building a large home in Baghdad for all of his children and their families, dreamed of meals together filled with enthusiastic conversation and laughter. Yet this dream died with the rise of Saddam Hussein's dictatorship, and the beginning of what would be an eight year war with Iran, sending many in the family to live elsewhere. This double displacement weighed on him and Tata.

"We had to leave Palestine," Tata said, "then our family began leaving Iraq. We were spread across the world. Your grandfather was tired. He used to come home and say 'I just want to go back to Palestine and die there.' He would say, 'maybe one day my children will be able to go back.' He died wishing to return."

"If I could return, I wish most of all to see Jaffa," Tata smiled distantly, "To walk down the beach like I used to. To see my father's house." She added, "But even if they let me return, I couldn't go. I couldn't see Jaffa the way it is now, taken by the Israelis, the place I was raised gone, my family's house gone, and my family gone, dispersed around the world. I couldn't handle facing that."

Yet Tata's face filled with hope. She clasped the medallion and smiled, the gold peeking through her fingers like doves through the wires of their cage. "There must be a day when we can go back, if not our children, then our grandchildren. Inshallah [God willing]."

Sixty years later, millions of Palestinian refugees have not been able to exercise their right to return, enshrined by United Nations Resolution 191. One of the "final status" issues, a resolution concerning refugees is pivotal to reaching a peace agreement. Even Mahmoud Abbas, whose official term as Palestinian Authority president expired earlier this month, and who is a favorite of the United States and Israel, has made this clear in recent months. A resolution on refugees must include the admission of guilt by the Israeli government and a public apology, which Israel has refused in past negotiations. It must include the homecoming of refugees who wish to return to their native cities and towns that are now within the borders of Israel (polls show that this constitutes only about 10 percent of Palestinian refugees). It must include the return of refugees who desire to live in a Palestinian state. Finally, it must include reparations paid to refugee families, which Israel has refused to provide, even partially.

As the 60th anniversary of the Nakba passes, we must not allow the plight of refugees to be forgotten, buried under the inevitable snowstorms of the new year. "I know that if we ever return, it will never be the same. Some things will always be lost," Tata said. "But to walk on our soil again and to live by our people again, to know the world didn't forget our struggle but helped us realize our rights, this would be so much. And though some things are lost forever, maybe others will be gained."

Sumia Ibrahim is an Iraqi-Palestinian residing in the United States. She is an activist for the end of the occupations of Palestine and Iraq and can be reached by email for comments and questions at sumiaibrahim AT gmail DOT com.


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Mercredi 28 janvier 2009 3 28 /01 /2009 13:06
Boycott calls renewed after Israel bombs University Teachers Assn.
Press release, PACBI, 18 January 2009

The Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott learned today from its Steering Committee member Dr. Haidar Eid that the headquarters of the University Teachers Association-Palestine, in Gaza, was bombed by the Israeli occupation forces during their indiscriminate, willful destruction campaign in the Tel al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City on Friday.

This latest wanton attack on an academic organization is far from being an exception. It is only the latest episode in what Oxford University academic Karma Nabulsi has termed "scholasticide," or Israel's systematic and intentional destruction of Palestinian education centers. In its current war on Gaza alone, Israel has bombed the ministry of education, the Islamic University of Gaza, and tens of schools, including at least four UNRWA [the United Nations agency for Palestine refugees] schools, after having largely destroyed the infrastructure of teaching throughout the year and a half of its illegal and criminal siege of the densely populated Gaza Strip.

The UTA headquarters is a detached two-story building that is clearly marked with the Association's name. The bombed structure, which now stands without a roof, has sustained heavy structural damage and may be in danger of collapsing any time.

It is worth noting that the UTA, together with other Gaza-based civil society organizations, called on 15 January for a wide campaign of boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) against Israel in response to its well-documented, premeditated war crimes in Gaza. The Israeli bombing of UTA's headquarters occurred on the exact following day, 16 January.

In line with the statements issued by the Palestinian BDS National Committee and the Palestinian Federation of Unions of University Professors and Employees PACBI condemns in the strongest possible terms Israel's long record of war crimes and acts of genocide in Gaza, during the siege as well as in this war of aggression. Israel's wanton assaults have caused thousands of fatalities and injuries and threatened tens of thousands more, particularly children, with chronic diseases, stunted growth, severe malnutrition and heightened risk of mortality.

PACBI strongly believes that Israel's targeting of civilian homes, schools, hospitals, ambulances, mosques, social and economic institutions, government buildings, law and order organs, UN humanitarian facilities and shelters, as well as higher education institutions should not go unpunished. Israel's sense of unassailable impunity is a guaranteed recipe for repetition of its crimes and nourishing its genocidal tendencies, as noted by UN Rapporteur for Human Rights in the occupied Palestinian territory, Prof. Richard Falk.

Specifically, and as a minimal response to these Israeli atrocities and grave violations of international law and the most basic human rights, PACBI calls on academics, academic unions, intellectuals, cultural workers and institutions the world over to intensify the boycott of all Israeli academic and cultural institutions due to their complicity in the Israeli occupation and other forms of oppression against the Palestinian people. Putting an end to Israel's impunity and holding it accountable is the moral responsibility of every conscientious human being today.


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Mercredi 28 janvier 2009 3 28 /01 /2009 12:58
Mousa Abu Marzook, The Electronic Intifada, 23 January 2009

Thousands of Palestinians attend a rally organized by Hamas in Gaza City days after Israel declared a unilateral ceasefire, 20 January 2009. (Mohamed Al-Zanon/MaanImages)

Israel's objectives from the war on Gaza were set long before its launch: to remove the Hamas movement and government, achieve the reinstallation of the Fatah leader, Mahmoud Abbas, in Gaza, and end the armed resistance. Two other objectives were not announced. First, restore the Israeli public's wavering confidence in its armed forces after its defeat by Hizballah in 2006. Second, boost the coalition government in the coming elections.

Accordingly, we declare that Israel lost, and lost decisively. What did it achieve? The killing of large numbers of civilians, children and women, and the destruction of homes, ministry buildings and other infrastructure with the most advanced United States weapons and other internationally banned chemical and phosphorous elements. Almost 2,000 children were killed and injured in desperate pursuit of political goals. Many international organizations called these attacks war crimes, yet barely a word of denunciation was uttered by any western leader. What message does the European Union mean to send Palestinians by its shameful silence on these crimes, when it speaks incessantly on human rights?

If anything, the last three weeks, and previous 18 months, have proved that the Palestinians can never be broken by either starvation, economic strangulation or brutal attack. European leaders have only one option: to recognize the outcome of a democratic process they had called for and supported.

The aggression failed to undermine or weaken the Hamas-led government, or turn Palestinians against Hamas. If anything, public support is stronger than ever in Palestine and worldwide. Hamas's military capabilities have not been hurt, either. This explains Israel scurrying to sign such a strange agreement with the US to stop arms reaching Hamas. It is doomed to fail. As the former Israeli chief of staff Moshe Yaalon and Benjamin Netanyahu agreed, Israeli forces failed to achieve their objectives.

Why is Israel allowed a continuous flow of the most lethal arms, including banned weapons, while national resistance movements are denied the means of defense? International laws permit occupied nations to resist their occupiers, and that is a right we aim to utilize to the full.

Israel must accept the reality that it is incapable of breaking the Palestinian resistance. Similarly, Europe must accept that bringing back Abbas on an Israeli tank is not an option. Nor are attempts to win by "diplomacy" what the might of the Israeli military failed to secure by force. To state that all aid for Gaza reconstruction must go through the illegal government of appointed Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Salam Fayyad suggests there is no end to some parties' exploitation of Palestinians. We will never cease to pursue national unity, but we will never allow it to be attained by compromising Palestinian rights.

And to President Obama we say: the wave of hope that met your election was heavily dampened by your silence on the Gaza massacre. This was compounded by your pre-election statement siding with the Israeli settlers of Sderot. You would do well to know the history of the places of which you speak. Sderot, which may be known to some as an Israeli town, lies on the ruins of Najd, a Palestinian village ransacked in May 1948 by Zionist terrorist gangs. Villagers were forced from their beds and homes with nothing but the clothes they were wearing, rendering them refugees for the next 61 years. That is the story of Sderot. It is never a good start to get your tyrant and victims mixed up, but there is still room for a revival of passionate optimism. Only if you decide to fairly address the issue of the 6 million Palestinian refugees and the ending of occupation of Palestinian lands, including Jerusalem, will you be able to start a new relationship with the Muslim world.

Mousa Abu Marzook is deputy chief of the Hamas political bureau mousa DOT abumarzook AT gmail DOT com. This essay was first published in The Guardian's Comment is Free.


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Mardi 20 janvier 2009 2 20 /01 /2009 17:22


Iranian Journalist Interviews Gilad Atzmon
Conversation with Gilad Atzmon, world-renowned Jazzist:
Bring justice to the Israeli criminals, today!

Interview by: Kourosh Ziabari, MMN

Gilad Atzmon is unique in his stance, unprecedented in his voice and unequivocal in his statements. As an Israel-born jazz musician and anti-Zionist activist, he propagates and chants his anti-Israeli contemplations explicitly and once he finds the opportunity.

As a musician who plays soprano, tenor and baritone saxophones, clarinet, sol, zurna and flute, Atzmon has won several international awards so far, including the BBC Jazz Award 2003, and is considered as one of the most prosperous artists of his rank.

In the position of an anti-Zionist activist, despite being Israeli originally, Gilad Atzmon incessantly denounces his belonging to the Jewish state and proclaims that he merely was born there and no more, which was perceptibly out of his knack and election, and that he feels no sympathy, compassion or nostalgia toward the occupying state of Israel.

During the past years, he has written a stack of articles and given a batch of lectures, performs regularly to condemn the historical belligerence of Israel in the occupied territories of Palestine and currently is lobbying dynamically by traveling to different countries so as to augment the cognition of public opinions about the massacre of Gaza and the butchery of innocent civilians, children and women in the strip.  

  

In his recent trip to Greece, which he departed for a few days ago, Atzmon conducted quite a lot of interviews and appeared on a number of TV, Radio programs so as to express his sharp censure of Israeli genocides in Gaza. He believes that the people of Greece are hopefully much more knowledgeable, well-informed and that's why they have made great efforts to convey their sympathy and patronage to the people in Gaza.

Following is the full text of an exclusive interview with Gilad Atzmon in which a variety of topics related to the ongoing slaughter of Gaza, Israeli crimes against humanity and the necessity of holding a trial for the Israeli officials in a just and objective international court is discussed:

 

Kourosh Ziabari: First, I would like to ask your opinion about the ongoing conflict of Gaza which some named "the most catastrophic battle" in the last decade. What's your idea about the carnage of civilians, children, women and infants in Gaza? 

 

 

Gilad Atzmon: What we see in Gaza is holocaust denial in its making. The Jewish state exercises hardcore barbarism. Yet, the world keeps silent. Once again we are confronted with the realization that giving a mandate for a national home for the Jewish people has been demonstrated to be a grave lethal mistake. The only question is how to dismantle this monstrous suicidal hawkish creature without turning our planet into a fireball. 

 

 

Kourosh Ziabari: You criticize the Israeli state so sharply; nevertheless, you may have noted that the Israeli media and statesmen simply stick a label of "traitor" to each of the Israeli citizens, journalists, professors or rhetoricians who uses to blame the Jewish state for its butcheries and onslaughts. How do you solve this?

 

 

Gilad Atzmon: To start with, it is not such a bad thing to be a ‘traitor’ in a murderous state. However, I do not regard myself as an Israeli. I was born there but I haven’t lived or visited there for many years.  Once I realized that I was residing on stolen land as an oppressor I packed my saxes and left. To a certain extent, I can be regarded as a 'proud self hating Jew'. I am full of shame of myself and those who were my co-nationals. I talk about my shame; I write about it and compose music trying to deal with it.   

 

 

Kourosh Ziabari: Israeli officials claim that they are just seeking retaliation by attacking the bases of Hamas, merely killing the individuals of army and military. In the other side, they disallow the entrance of journalists and media correspondents into the occupied Gaza Strip and ban them from broadcasting the reality. How can they justify this contradiction? Why they don't allow the journalists into Gaza if they are righteous about their pretensions? 

 

 

Gilad Atzmon: I do not think that Israelis are concerned at all with contradictions or logical discrepancies. Israelis are not concerned at all with their image either.  

 

 

I will try to elaborate. Israel is now the largest Jewish Ghetto ever. The Jewish Ghetto is basically a place where Jews can celebrate their symptoms collectively among themselves, without being shy about what they say, think or feel. Israel has already surrounded itself with gigantic walls just to give segregation a real significant meaning. And yet, the Israeli Jewish Ghetto is very different from the East European one. While in the European Ghetto the Jews were intimidated by their surrounding reality, in the Israeli Ghetto the Jews intimidate others. They insist that the entire Middle East must be kept in a state of constant anxiety.  

 

 

The Ghetto mentality is a very helpful analytic tool.  It helps us, for instance, to grasp why Prime Minister Olmert allowed himself to brag in public about humiliating President Bush and Secretary of State Rice. In the Ghetto Jews feel safe, they can speak their mind while being pretty sure that nothing would leak out to the Goyim.  In the Ghetto only one logic applies, the Jewish logic.  

 

 

However, in the 1950’s PM Ben Gurion adopted the Jewish Ghetto framework into an Israeli political mantra which he eloquently articulated as follows: "It doesn't matter what the Goyim say, the only thing that matters is what the Jews do". Seemingly, the Jewish Ghetto mantra à la Ben Gurion succeeded in separating the Israelis from the rest of humanity. But it goes further, as we see in Gaza and in any Israeli conflict; it detaches the Hebraic paradigm from any notion of humanist ethics. 

 

 

This very philosophy is translated easily into Israeli lethal military pragmatism. ‘It obviously doesn't really matter what the UN or world’s media thinks, all that matters is what the IDF does’.  

 

 

Now, I will try to address the foreign Journalist topic. Israeli military leaders knew in advance that Gaza was about to become a bloodbath for Palestinian civilians. They obviously knew in advance the weaponry they were about to employ. The last thing they needed was foreign journalists reporting to their media outlets about a massacre in Gaza. World media and the ‘right to know’ is not an Israeli interest.  In the Jewish Ghetto state, all that matters is what the IDF is doing.  

 

 

The Israelis wanted to finish their job first, to kill many Palestinians, to destroy Gaza and to dismantle its infrastructure so they retrieve their power of deterrence which they have lost many years ago. Journalists reporting from Gaza could simply stand in the way.  

 

 

Kourosh Ziabari: given such an intricate description, what's the main reason, in your view, for Israel blocking the humanitarian aid ships heading to Gaza? Is there something wrong with the admittance of foods, medicine and first aid to a multitude of people who do not have the least access to the outside world? 

 

 

Gilad Atzmon: The answer is almost etymological. Talking about ‘Humanitarian effort’ presumes a deep familiarity with the notion of humanism. Since Israelis have zero commitment to ethics or universal humanism, we cannot expect them to succumb to any humanitarian effort or humanist issue. In the last few days, Israel bombarded hospitals, schools, refugee centers and UN aid distribution centers.  We better admit it: the Jewish state is a boiling criminal setting with no comparison. We cannot and should not expect them to follow a humanist call. We should instead anticipate Israel to perform as embodiment of the ultimate evil, and sadly, I must say, they indeed never disappoint here.  

 

 

Kourosh Ziabari: The employment of white phosphorus in the bombs that the Israeli army unleashes on the heads of civilians and their houses in Gaza seems to be an evident violation of international regulations and the Geneva Convention, significantly. Is there any way of recompensing these war crimes? 

 

 

Gilad Atzmon: I am not a legal expert so cannot address this question properly. However, it is very interesting to note that in spite of large worldwide condemnation of Israel for using white phosphorus bombs, the Israeli army didn’t stop employing this tactic, and it's not the first time they've used unconventional weapons against civilians in the face of international outrage. Every day we see those lethal bombs bursting over civilian targets. Once again we see that it doesn’t matter at all what the Goyim say, all that matters is what the Jews do, i.e., kill Palestinian civilians. I would further add that the Israelis lament in continuation about "potential" weapons of mass destruction that other nations might have, it seems to be pathetic while possessing an obscene arsenal of nuclear warheads themselves. If they have no regard for international law, why would they care what world opinion is?  

 

 

Kourosh Ziabari: Provisionally, even if the war ends now and Israel withdraws from the occupied territories, the result of fatal conflict is more than 1300 dead people and 70% of the infrastructure, buildings, public places has been destroyed. How the real justice could be administered about Israel and its crimes against humanity? 

 

 

Gilad Atzmon: Again, I am not a legal expert. Yet I do not hold my breath. However, my subject of study is Jewish and Israeli identity. I am interested in the metaphysics of the Israeli genocidal inclination. I am elaborating on the Identity that can inflict so much pain and carnage on innocent civilians. I am interested in the banality of evil as exposed by Israel’s ultimate barbarism and the Jewish institutional support of that evil around the world. I believe that once we start to realize what we are up against, we may know how to fight it. I honestly do not believe in international tribunals. A general widely accepted acknowledgment that the Jewish state is nothing but crude barbarism seems to me far more effective.  

 

 

Kourosh Ziabari: For the last question, what's your message, as an Israeli artist, to the people of Palestine; those mothers who have lost their children or those traumatized children who undergo the aftershocks of losing their parents?

 

 

Gilad Atzmon: My Dearest brothers and sisters. It is heartbreaking to watch the death and carnage inflicted on you by the Jewish state. We all see what you are going through and we all know that justice is on your side. I beg you not to lose hope. Evil always comes to an end and Israeli evil is no different. Israel will come to an end though we may have to do something to bring this end about. 

  

 

However, one thing is rather clear. The so called ‘liberal’ west failed to save you, sadly enough; the Arab states failed to join your struggle yet. As sad as it may be, as much as justice is on your side, you are alone here confronted with the ultimate evil.  

 

 

Israel has many bombs in its arsenal. But you Palestinian brothers and sisters have a few things they do not have: Justice is in your side, humanity is in your streets, you have the spirit and you have the ultimate bomb, namely the demographic one.

 

 

Palestine is the land, Israel is a state;

States come and go, land stays forever.

Long live Palestine

 

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Gilad Atzmon is a jazz musician, composer, producer and writer.
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Lundi 12 janvier 2009 1 12 /01 /2009 18:01
Saddam's defence sues Bush and Blair
1/22/2006 6:00:00 PM GMT


<NOSCRIPT></NOSCRIPT>


Saddam's lawyers plan to file a law suit against the American President and the British PM

Lawyers defending the toppled Iraqi leader SADDAM HUSSEIN said Sunday they're planning to file a law suit against the U.S. PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH and British Prime Minister TONY BLAIR, the United Press International reported Sunday.

Speaking to journalists on Sunday, Saleh Armouti, President of the Jordan Bar Association, who recently joined Saddam's defense team, said that the lawyers plan to file a law suit against the American President and the British Prime Minister in a European international court, on charges of illegally invading and occupying IRAQ.

SADDAM's trial is set to resume Tuesday.

SADDAM and seven members of his former regime are facing charges of killing 148 Shias in the Iraqi town of Dujail north of Baghdad in 1982 after a failed attempt to assassinate the former Iraqi President.

SADDAM's defense team will also ask for the immediate release of Saddam "because his arrest is a violation of international charters after the United States declared an end to hostilities and war in Iraq," Armouti said.

* Army officer found guilty in Iraqi's death

The highest-ranking U.S. Army officer charged with killing a detainee in IRAQ was found guilty of negligent homicide late Saturday in the death of an Iraqi general at a detention camp.

But Chief Warrant Officer Lewis Welshofer Jr was spared a conviction of murder that could have sent him to prison for life.

A jury of six army officers found Welshofer not guilty of the murder of Maj-Gen Abed Hamed Mowhoush who dies in Iraq in 2003.

The Army officer, now faces up to three years in jail for homi, was acquitted of assault after six hours of deliberations.

Prosecutors said that Welshofer put a sleeping bag over the head of Mowhoush, sat on his chest and used his hand to cover the general's mouth while asking him questions in 2003.

It's one of various cases involving death of prisoners the U.S. holds in IRAQ and AFGHANISTAN.

Welshofer, who showed no reaction when the verdict was announced at the trial, Welshofer faces a dishonorable discharge and up to three years in prison for negligent homicide and three months for negligent dereliction of duty.

The defense claimed that a heart condition was behind Mowhoush's death, affirming that senior commanders approved the interrogation method used against the Iraqi General, who died while being held at Al Qaim in Iraq, near the Syrian border.

"What he was doing he was doing in the open, and he was doing it because he believed the information in fact would save lives," attorney Frank Spinner claimed, adding that he was disappointed with the verdict.

"The verdict recognizes the context in which these events took place," he said. "It was a very difficult time in Iraq. There was confusion, and they were not getting clear guidance from headquarters."

Welshofer sent an e-mail to a commander, prosecutor Maj. Tiernan Dolan said, stating that restrictions on interrogation techniques were impeding the the soldiers' ability to gather intelligence, adn that authorized methods came from Cold War-era doctrine that did not apply in IRAQ.

"Our enemy understands force, not psychological mind games," Dolan quoted from Welshofer's message.

More on Iraq...


* CAIR sends delegation to secure Carroll's release <o:p></o:p>
* Shias win Iraq's elections <o:p></o:p>
* "Fraud marred Iraq's polls" <o:p></o:p>
* 10 Iraqis killed, 2 foreigners seized in bloody ambush <o:p></o:p>

More on Iraq...

    War-era doctrine that did not apply in IRAQ.

    It's one of various cases involving death of prisoners the U.S. holds in IRAQ and AFGHANISTAN.

    he highest-ranking U.S. Army officer charged with killing a detainee in IRAQ was found guilty of negligent homicide late Saturday in the death of an Iraqi general at a detention camp.

    Lawyers defending the toppled Iraqi leader SADDAM HUSSEIN said Sunday they’re planning to file a law suit against the U.S. PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH and British Prime Minister TONY BLAIR, the United Press International reported Sunday.

    Speaking to journalists on Sunday, Saleh Armouti, President of the Jordan Bar Association, who recently joined Saddam's defense team, said that the lawyers plan to file a law suit against the American President and the British Prime Minister in a European international court, on charges of illegally invading and occupying IRAQ.

    SADDAM's trial is set to resume Tuesday.

    SADDAM and seven members of his former regime are facing charges of killing 148 Shias in the Iraqi town of Dujail north of Baghdad in 1982 after a failed attempt to assassinate the former Iraqi President.

    SADDAM's defense team will also ask for the immediate release of Saddam "because his arrest is a violation of international charters after the United States declared an end to hostilities and war in Iraq," Armouti said.

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    Lundi 12 janvier 2009 1 12 /01 /2009 18:00
    good morning
     
    Last update - 09:54 16/01/2006
    IAEA chief: Conclusions on Iran's nuclear program to echo worldwide
    By Yossi Melman and Shlomo Shamir, Haaretz Correspondents and Reuters

    The head of the UN nuclear watchdog agency is preparing to tell the world he cannot yet confirm the peaceful nature of Iran's atomic program, according to an interview released on Sunday.

    Mohamed ElBaradei, who won the 2005 Nobel Peace Prize along with his International Atomic Energy Agency, said Tehran "might not seem to care, but if I say that I am not able to confirm the peaceful nature of that program after three years of intensive work, well, that's a conclusion that's going to reverberate ... around the world."

    In the interview with Newsweek magazine, ElBaradei said Iran knows what it must do to satisfy his concerns and he will not extend the deadline for his next report on the nuclear program beyond a March 6 deadline.

    Advertisement
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    "For the last three years we have been doing intensive verification in Iran and even after three years, I am not yet in a position to make a judgment on the peaceful nature of the program," he said.

    "We still need to assure ourselves through access to documents, individuals and locations that we have seen all that we ought to see and that there is nothing fishy, if you like, about the program," he added.

    Asked if Iran was buying time to build a bomb, ElBaradei replied: "That's why I said we are coming to the litmus test in the next few weeks."

    ElBaradei said he does not exclude the possibility that Iran may have another more secret nuclear weapons program that is separate from the activities the IAEA knows about.

    "And if they have the nuclear material and they have a parallel weaponization program along the way, they are really not very far - a few months - from a weapon," he said.

    Iranian FM warns of oil crisis
    Iranian Finance Minister Davood Danesh Jafari said on an Iranian radio station Sunday that any Western sanction placed on Iran in response to its nuclear development program could raise global oil prices.

    Iranian President Mahmud Ahmadinejad said Saturday that Iran will consider using its control over oil prices as retalliation for potential sanctions on Iran.

    Ahmadinejad said Saturday that he will not yield to international pressure to back down from its resumption of controversial nuclear research as calls increase from the West to defer the issue to the United Nations Security Council.

    The council can levy sanctions on Iran. The five permanent members of the council, who hold veto power in the international body - the United States, England, France, China and Russia - plan to meet in London on Monday to discuss the matter.

    On the diplomatic front, attempts are being made to assemble a majority in the International Atomic Energy Agancy (IAEA) to send the issue to the Security Council. The United States, Germany and England said over the weekend that the diplomatic route with Tehran has reached a dead end, while Russia's and China's positions are unclear. UN Secretary General Kofi Annan expressed over the weekend that he still has faith in diplomatic dialogue with Tehran.

    In a press conference on Friday, Annan said that he had spoken to the Iranian representative in the IAEA in Vienna, Ali Laridziani, who said "Iran is interested in serious and constructive negotiations, but without time constraints."

    Ambassadors from both the United States and the EU slammed Annan's spin on the Iranian response. They said that in light of the general international consensus that the Western diplomatic contact with Iran has reached its limit, the matter should be deferred to the Security Council.

    Merkel to push Putin on Iran
    German Chancellor Angela Merkel heads to Moscow on Monday where she hopes to persuade President Vladimir Putin to join the EU and United States in ratcheting up diplomatic pressure on Iran, German officials said.

    On her first visit to the Russian capital since taking over from Putin's close friend Gerhard Schroeder, Merkel will meet with Putin for about two hours to discuss Iran, energy ties, the situation in Chechnya and other issues, the officials said.

    "The Iran issue will be in the foreground of the visit," a German government told reporters on condition of anonymity.

    Merkel, who just returned from her first official trip to Washington, agreed with U.S. President George W. Bush on Friday that it was time to refer Iran to the UN Security Council over its refusal to abandon uranium enrichment technology that could enable it to get atomic weapons, the officials said.

    "In Washington the hope was expressed that there could be common approach by the EU, USA and Russia," one official said.

    The officials said Russia has also expressed displeasure at Iran's rejection of Moscow's proposal to set up a joint venture inside Russia that would enable Tehran to produce nuclear fuel for what it says is an atomic energy programme that is exclusively peaceful in nature.

    Germany is the world's top exporter of goods to Iran and would have much to lose if Tehran faced sanctions. It exported 4 billion euros of goods to Iran last year.

    Russia also has significant business interests there and fears sending Iran to the Security Council could escalate Tehran's standoff with West into an international crisis. Among other projects, Moscow is building a e1 billion nuclear power plant at Bushehr in Iran and hopes to build more.

    http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/670595.html
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    Lundi 12 janvier 2009 1 12 /01 /2009 17:59
    Envoyé : 16/01/2006 20:32
     








     
    VOIR: GROUPS/INDIGENOUSSOVEREIGNTYINTERNATIONAL

    Les crimes arbitraires sont monnaie courante en territoires occupés. Il y a également un racisme féroce a l’égard des arabes. Les propos tenus sont effrayant et choque même le raciste ordinaire.Donc le crime est banalisé.L’occupation est un facteur aggravant et ajoute a la discrimination raciale.Tel est le quotidien des palestiniens.Le dire ce n’est pas être anti-sémite,c’est être en accord avec sa conscience. 

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    Hebron disengagement and violence begin
    Press Release, ISM/Tel Rumeida Project, 13 January 2006

    A group of settler girls in Hebron (Mamoun Wazwaz/MaanNews Network)

    TEL RUMEIDA, HEBRON -- A mob of 30 female settler teenagers rampaged through Tel Rumeida on Thursday, 12 January. Ten of them wore black ski masks to hide their identities, and attacked everyone they encountered, including IDF soldiers and Israeli police officers, with spit, paint bombs and insults, and surrounded a human rights worker, violently stealing the battery of his camera.

    Six male settlers have begun attempts to illegally occupy an empty Palestinian home located on the path near a Palestinian girls' school. Settlers entered the home on Tuesday, 10 January, cleaned out two rooms and broke a hole in a wall to access other rooms. Police were called and made the settlers leave but they have returned periodically to continue their preparations to occupy the house. Palestinian girls are already routinely stoned and harassed on their way to the school located near this home. The attacks will only increase if they had to pass directly in front of a settler-occupied home.

    Human rights workers who live in Tel Rumeida witnessed the arrival of approximately 60 settlers on Wednesday, 11 January. These settlers were the first to respond to a call by Hebron's settlers for Israelis "to flock to Hebron" to resist the planned disengagement of the illegally-occupied Palestinian wholesale market in Hebron's Old City. Settlers arrived with belongings meant for a long stay in response to the call sent out by email to "bring sleeping bags, warm clothing for an extended stay and a strong spirit."

    Brian, a human rights worker living in Tel Rumeida, said "It is a very dangerous situation. Many of the settlers who live here are members of Kahane, an organization which Israel has declared racist and illegal. We see their violent hatred on a daily basis. We call on the international and Israeli community to pressure the police and IDF to enforce the law against violent settlers immediately; stop them, arrest them and prosecute them."

    Israeli Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz stated that the removal of the settlers from the wholesale market will be completed by the 15 February. Settlers were ordered to leave the Palestinian-owned shops by 15 January, or face forcible eviction. Settlers have already clashed violently with police and the IDF when eviction orders were issued on 3 January, injuring four police officers, including a policeman who was hurt by a liquid that burned his eyes. Violent resistance from the settlers between these dates is expected and could be worse than the Gaza pullout due to Hebron's religious significance to settlers. This is a threat to both Palestinian residents and IDF soldiers in the area.

     

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    Lundi 12 janvier 2009 1 12 /01 /2009 17:58
    <CSGROUP name="0CC68658" locked></CSGROUP>
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    <SPACER type="block" width="16" height="439"> <SPACER type="block" width="1" height="208">
    "the term "terrorism" means an activty that (i) involves a violent act or an act dangerous to human life, property, or infrastructure; and (ii) appears to be intended (A) to intimidate or coerce a civilian population; (B) to influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion; or (C) toaffect the conduct of a government by mass destruction, assasination, kidnapping, or hostage-taking." Executive Order on Terrorist Financing,George W. Bush, President, United States, September 2001 <SPACER type="block" width="1" height="64">

    UNDER THE U.S. GOVERNMENT'S DEFINITION OF TERRORISM THE ISRAELI GOVERNMENT IS A TERRORIST GOVERNMENT. AS MANDATED BY THE EXECUTIVE ORDER ON TERRORIST FINANCING WE CALL UPON OUR GOVERNMENT, THE U.S. GOVERNMENT, TO IMMEDIATELY STOP FUNDING ISRAEL, AND THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY, THE ATTORNEY GENERAL, AND THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO TAKE ALL MEASURES NECESSARY TO IMMEDIATELY FREEZE THE FUNDS OF THE ISRAELI GOVERNMENT IN U.S. BANKS, AND THE BANK ACCOUNTS OF THOSE PROVIDING FINANCIAL SUPPORT TO ISRAEL INCLUDING ALL PACS AND NON-PROFIT ORGANIZATIONS.

    <SPACER type="block" width="1" height="64">

    STOP FUNDING AND SUPPLYING WEAPONS TO THE ISRAELI GOVERNMENT; FREEZE ISRAELI GOVERNMENT ASSETS AND THE ASSETS OF ITS FINANCIAL SUPPORTERS; STOP USING THE UNITED NATIONS SECURITY COUNCIL VETO TO THWART THE WILL OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY TO ENFORCE THE GENEVA CONVENTIONS AND OTHER APPLICABLE INTERNATIONAL LAW WHICH WOULD STOP THE BUTCHERING; SEND THOSE RESPONSIBLE TO THE HAGUE FOR PROSECUTION AS WAR CRIMINALS

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    <SPACER type="block" width="205" height="2"> Matrix of Israeli State Terrorism in the Palestinian Occupied Territories in the Middle East <SPACER type="block" width="8" height="194"> <SPACER type="block" width="1" height="2">
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    <SPACER type="block" width="19" height="192"> BACKGROUND: The Palestinian "occupied territories" have
    Par noesam - Publié dans : ENGLISH;history of palestine and israél
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    Lundi 12 janvier 2009 1 12 /01 /2009 17:57

    US Neocons Accuse Chavez of Anti-Semitism

    By Jim Lobe

    Inter Press Service

    16 January 2006

    http://www.antiwar.com/lobe/?articleid=8390

    Despite objections by major Jewish organizations in Venezuela and the United States, some influential U.S.

    neoconservatives are charging President Hugo Chavez with anti-Semitism, which they say is consistent with the country's friendly relations with Iran.

    In what appears to be a new line of attack against the populist leader, two of the White House's favorite publications this week ran articles denouncing remarks made by Chavez in a televised address to the nation Christmas Eve as anti-Semitic.

    Quoting Chavez as declaring that "minorities, the descendants of those who crucified Christ, have taken over the riches of the world," the Wall Street Journal's "Americas" columnist, Mary Anastasia O'Grady, charged that his words constituted an "ugly anti-Semitic swipe that was of a piece with an insidious assault over the past several years on the country's Jewish community."


    Par noesam - Publié dans : ENGLISH;history of palestine and israél
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    Lundi 12 janvier 2009 1 12 /01 /2009 17:55
    ISRAEL

    Human Rights Abuses Affecting Trafficked Women in Isreal's Sex Industry

    Although official statistics are not available, it is widely believed that in the past few years thousands of women, including some girls, from FSU countries have been trafficked to Israel to work in the sex industry. Under Israeli laws, virtually all these women are illegal aliens. They are in Israel without work permits or with false documents, which makes them particularly vulnerable to human rights abuses at the hands of traffickers, pimps and others involved in Israel's sex industry. Amnesty International has received many reports of trafficked women being subjected to various human rights abuses, such as enslavement and other restrictions on their liberty, as well as torture, including rape and other forms of sexual abuse.

    Enslavement and deprivation of liberty

    Amnesty International has received information indicating that in many instances women trafficked from FSU countries are literally bought and sold for large sums of money, often in auctions where they are purchased by the highest bidder. Some are held in debt bondage where they are forced to work to pay off large sums of money. Some women are kidnapped against their will in FSU countires or are lured to Israel under false pretences, and brought to work in the sex industry. Their "owners" restrict their movements in order to prevent them from leaving. There are many reports of women being imprisoned by their "owners" in locked houses and apartments and prevented from going out unaccompanied. There are also frequent reports of trafficked women's passports and other travel documents being taken away by their "owners" in order to prevent them from leaving the country. In some cases, the misappropriation by "owners" of the women's means of identification is also used to force them into the sex industry.

    Violence against trafficked women

    Women trafficked to Israel are frequently either threatened with or subjected to violence, including rape and other forms of sexual abuse, particularly if they refuse to have sex with customers or try to escape. There are reports of women being forced to have sex against their will with large numbers of men each day. Traffickers and others working in the sex industry sometimes issue threats against the lives and persons of trafficked women and their families, if they should leave the country and return to their countries of residence, or if they should provide intelligence to law enforcement agencies or testify in criminal prosecutions.

    CASES

    In the course of its visit to Israel in April and May 1999, an Amnesty International delegation visited Neve Tirza Prison and interviewed several women, including four who were being held in connection with their involvement in the sex industry and were awaiting deportation to FSU countries. As the following cases show, the response of the authorities has frequently compounded the problem by treating trafficked women who are subjected to human rights abuses as criminals and illegal aliens, rather than as victims of these abuses.

    All names have been changed to protect the identities of the women involved.

    Anna's story
    •  
      ''I don't know the outcome of the trial. I only know that Arthur [the pimp] is at liberty. I talked to him on the phone. When the police arrested us they did not allow us to take our things with us, so they are still there. Arthur knows my address in St Petersburg and my telephone number because he kept my passport. I have a small daughter, eight years old there. He threatened that he would find me in Russia, at home, if I did not do what he wanted me to.''

    Anna, a 31-year-old physics teacher from St Petersburg in the Russian Federation arrived in Israel on a tourist visa in October 1998. She had been lured to Israel by the promise of a job earning US$1,000 a month, 20 times her salary in the Russian Federation. The Israeli national who had offered her the job made it clear that she would be involved in the sex industry, but promised her good working conditions. She was completely unprepared for the treatment that awaited her.

    Anna was met at the airport and taken to an apartment. Her passport was taken from her and she was locked in the apartment with six other women from FSU countries. She was auctioned twice. On the second occasion she was bought for US$10,000 and taken to work in Haifa, where she was held together with two other women. The apartment in which she was held had bars on the windows. The women were rarely allowed to leave the apartment and never allowed out alone. Much of the money that they earned was taken from them in ''fines'', money extorted from them by their pimps.

    In March 1999 Anna was arrested for involvement in prostitution after a police raid on the apartment where she was being held. In court the police alleged that Anna had signed statements admitting to involvement in prostitution -- but all the documents were in Hebrew, a language Anna neither reads nor writes. She later discovered that she had been accused of running a brothel.

    Anna was held at the Kishon detention centre for almost a month awaiting deportation. During that time she was not allowed to talk to the Russian Consul. The reason for her detention was apparently that the authorities wanted her to testify against the pimp. But the authorities never told Anna this or asked for her consent to act as a witness.

    Tatiana's story

    Tatiana arrived in Israel from Belarus in April 1998 on a tourist visa. She had been promised a job working 12 hours a day as a cleaner in a hotel in the resort of Eilat. She was told the job would pay her enough to support her mother and her six-year-old son.

    Tatiana was met in Eilat by a man pretending to be from the hotel where she was to be employed. He took her to a brothel, where she was forced to work in the sex industry against her will and told that she would have to repay her ''sale price'' and the travel costs.

    Tatiana made various plans to escape. She was finally released from the brothel after a police raid -- a friend of hers had contacted the Belarus Consulate who contacted the police. Tatiana was taken into custody as an illegal immigrant and detained in Neve Tirza Prison awaiting deportation.

    Three days after her arrest, Tatiana found an anonymous note on her prison bunk threatening to kill her and punish her family if she spoke out about what had happened to her. Tatiana wanted to testify against her captors in Eilat, but she was terrified that if she did so and was returned to Belarus the traffickers would meet her at the airport or come to her home, since they knew all her passport details and the address of her family.

    A petition was made to the Chief of Police explaining that if Tatiana had no protection it would be unreasonably dangerous for her to testify in court. He replied that the Israel Police could not guarantee anyone's safety outside Israel and offered only ''minimal protection'' for Tatiana. She testified in June 1999 and was deported later that same month. Despite her request that she be flown to Poland or Lithuania and then allowed to cross into Belarus by car, the Israeli authorities deported her directly to Belarus. She was reportedly met by a male relative and taken to an unknown location. Tatiana's fate after that is unknown.

    Valentina's story

    "I had a nervous break-down. I wanted to escape from this place and asked a client to help me. He turned out to be one of them and I was beaten up by the owners. There was nowhere to run -- there were bars on the windows and bodyguards all the time, day and night."

    Valentina, a 27-year-old psychologist and a social worker, arrived in Israel in August 1998 from Moldova. She believed she was going to work as a company representative. Her travel and visa were arranged by the Israeli national who had offered her the job.

    Valentina was met at the airport and taken to a hotel. The following day her money, passport and return ticket were taken from her and she was taken to an apartment where she was held for two months.
    •  
      ''The conditions were terrible. One girl was kept to work in the basement for eight months. It was damp there and she got tuberculosis as a result. Most of the girls had different diseases -- venereal and others related to their reproductive organs. I do not wish even to my enemies to go through what we went through."

    Valentina eventually succeeded in escaping with another woman by jumping from the first floor of an apartment building. The women returned to the brothel in order to help another friend to escape and were caught up in a police raid on the apartment. Valentina was arrested in March 1999 for not having proper documents or a visa. Although she was pleased that the police had raided the brothel, she was afraid to testify against the man who sold her to the brothel owners because he knew the whereabouts of her family in Ukraine. The Ukrainian Consul visited her only once following her arrest. Valentina did not know how long the Israeli authorities intended to hold her or when she would be allowed to go home.
    source;http://groups.msn.com/AmnestyInternationalCenter/traffickedwomeninisreal39ssexindustry.msnw
    Par noesam - Publié dans : ENGLISH;history of palestine and israél
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    Lundi 12 janvier 2009 1 12 /01 /2009 17:54
    Envoyé : 21/01/2006 21:04

    Click here to sign the call now.

    Women are mobilizing women around the globe to call for an end to the occupation and the violence in Iraq. With the majority of people in Iraq, the U.S., the U.K., and around the world opposing this war, now is the time for women to step forward and make our opposition more visible and vocal.

    With the launch of Women Say No To War Campaign, we are asking women around the world to sign on to the Women’s Call for Peace. We hope to obtain a minimum of 100,000 signatures by International Women's Day on March 8, 2006, when US and Iraqi women will deliver these signatures to leaders in Washington DC and women around the world will deliver them to US embassies.

    Women's Call for Peace: An Urgent Appeal

    We, the women of the United States, Iraq and women worldwide, have had enough of the senseless war in Iraq and the cruel attacks on civilians around the world. We've buried too many of our loved ones. We've seen too many lives crippled forever by physical and mental wounds. We've watched in horror as our precious resources are poured into war while our families' basic needs of food, shelter, education and healthcare go unmet. We've had enough of living in constant fear of violence and seeing the growing cancer of hatred and intolerance seep into our homes and communities.

    This is not the world we want for ourselves or our children. With fire in our bellies and love in our hearts, we women are rising up - across borders - to unite and demand an end to the bloodshed and the destruction.

    We have seen how the foreign occupation of Iraq has fueled an armed movement against it, perpetuating an endless cycle of violence. We are convinced that it is time to shift from a military model to a conflict-resolution model that includes the following elements:

    • The withdrawal of all foreign troops and foreign fighters from Iraq;
    • Negotiations to reincorporate disenfranchised Iraqis into all aspects of Iraqi society;
    • The full representation of women in the peacemaking process and a commitment to women's full equality in the post-war Iraq;
    • A commitment to discard plans for any foreign bases in Iraq;
    • Iraqi control of its oil and other resources;
    • The nullification of privatization and deregulation laws imposed under occupation, allowing Iraqis to shape the trajectory of the post-war economy;
    • A massive reconstruction effort that prioritizes Iraqi contractors, and draws upon financial resources of the countries responsible for the invasion and occupation of Iraq;
    • Consideration of a temporary international peacekeeping force that is truly multilateral and is not composed of any troops from countries that participated in the occupation.

    To move this peace process forward, we are creating a massive movement of women - crossing generations, races, ethnicities, religions, borders and political persuasions. Together, we will pressure our governments, the United Nations, the Arab League, Nobel Peace Prize winners, religious leaders and others in the international community to step forward to help negotiate a political settlement. And in this era of divisive fundamentalisms, we call upon world leaders to join us in spreading the fundamental values of love for the human family and for our precious planet.

    Par noesam - Publié dans : ENGLISH;history of palestine and israél
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    Lundi 12 janvier 2009 1 12 /01 /2009 17:53
    Palestinian Academics Call for International Academic Boycott of Israel
    Statement, Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel , 7 July 2004

    Dear fellow academics, intellectuals and activists:

    Please find below a Palestinian call for boycott issued by the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel. It has the support of nearly sixty of the most prominent academic, cultural, professional, and trade unions and associations in the Occupied West Bank and Gaza, including the Federation of Unions of Palestinian Universities' Professors and Employees and the umbrella organization of Palestinian NGOs in the occupied West Bank, PNGO. It is thus highly representative of the views of major sectors in Palestinian civil society. We urge you to endorse this call and distribute it as widely as possible to academic organizations, educational institutions, and cultural and professional associations.

    The Israeli academy has contributed, either directly or indirectly, to maintaining, defending or otherwise justifying the military occupation and colonization of the West Bank and Gaza, the entrenched system of racial discrimination and segregation against the Palestinian citizens of Israel, which resembles the defunct apartheid system in South Africa, and the denial of the fundamental rights of Palestinian refugees in contravention of international law.

    From our perspective, all forms of international intervention have until now failed to force Israel to comply with international law or to end its repression of the Palestinians, which has manifested itself in the brutal suppression of academic freedom, siege, indiscriminate killing -- just today, Israel murdered professor Khaled Salah, of an-Najah University, and his 16-year-old child in their home in Nablus -- wanton destruction and the racist colonial wall. And in view of the fact that people of conscience in the international community of scholars and intellectuals have historically shouldered the moral responsibility to fight injustice, as exemplified in their struggle to abolish apartheid in South Africa through diverse forms of boycott, we call upon you, our colleagues in the international community, to comprehensively and consistently boycott all Israeli academic and cultural institutions in the spirit of international solidarity, moral consistency and resistance to oppression.

    To Palestinians, it is more urgent now than ever to finally establish a connection between the two formerly mutually exclusive words: "Israel" and "sanctions". Israel should not be treated with the moral inconsistency that has prevailed so far. It is precisely the automatic exoneration that Israel receives from western governments and some otherwise progressive movements that Palestinians and their conscientious supporters wish to challenge.

    We realize that boycott is not popular yet when the target is Israel. We recognize the hesitation in Europe, and more so in the US (albeit for different reasons), in addressing the need to boycott the Israeli academic establishment; but we, Palestinian academics and intellectuals, cannot wait until divine intervention sways public opinion towards supporting a boycott. We need your help and that of international academic networks to actively contribute to the process that could make it happen.

    Boycott is clearly among the clearest and least violent tactics in resisting occupation and injustice at an international level. We hope that you can endorse it and find the best, most nuanced and effective means of advocating and implementing it. This would be a highly appreciated and practical contribution to supporting Palestinian academic freedom and, indeed, to resisting injustice and fostering genuine peace in our troubled region.

    Sincerely,

    Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel info@BoycottIsrael.ps

    Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel

    Israel's colonial oppression of the Palestinian people, which is based on Zionist ideology, comprises the following:

    Denial of its responsibility for the Nakba - in particular the waves of ethnic cleansing and dispossession that created the Palestinian refugee problem - and therefore refusal to accept the inalienable rights of the refugees and displaced stipulated in and protected by international law;

    Military occupation and colonization of the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and Gaza since 1967, in violation of international law and UN resolutions;

    The entrenched system of racial discrimination and segregation against the Palestinian citizens of Israel, which resembles the defunct apartheid system in South Africa.

    Suggested Guiding Principles

    Since Israeli academic institutions (mostly state controlled) and the vast majority of Israeli intellectuals and academics have either contributed directly to maintaining, defending or otherwise justifying the above forms of oppression, or have been complicit in them through their silence,

    Given that all forms of international intervention have until now failed to force Israel to comply with international law or to end its repression of the Palestinians, which has manifested itself in many forms, including siege, indiscriminate killing, wanton destruction and the racist colonial wall,

    In view of the fact that people of conscience in the international community of scholars and intellectuals have historically shouldered the moral responsibility to fight injustice, as exemplified in their struggle to abolish apartheid in South Africa through diverse forms of boycott,

    Recognizing that the growing international boycott movement against Israel has expressed the need for a Palestinian frame of reference outlining guiding principles,

    In the spirit of international solidarity, moral consistency and resistance to injustice and oppression,

    We, Palestinian academics and intellectuals, call upon our colleagues in the international community to comprehensively and consistently boycott all Israeli academic and cultural institutions as a contribution to the struggle to end Israel's occupation, colonization and system of apartheid, by applying the following:

    1.Refrain from participation in any form of academic and cultural cooperation, collaboration or joint projects with Israeli institutions;

    2.Advocate a comprehensive boycott of Israeli institutions at the national and international levels, including suspension of all forms of funding and subsidies to these institutions;

    3.Promote divestment and disinvestment from Israel by international academic institutions;

    4.Exclude from the above actions against Israeli institutions any conscientious Israeli academics and intellectuals opposed to their stateÂ’s colonial and racist policies;

    5.Work toward the condemnation of Israeli policies by pressing for resolutions to be adopted by academic, professional and cultural associations and organizations;

    6.Support Palestinian academic and cultural institutions directly without requiring them to partner with Israeli counterparts as an explicit or implicit condition for such support.



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    Join the Academic Boycott

    Join the academic and cultural boycott of Israel which has been requested by 60 of the most representative academic, cultural, professional and trade unions and associations in the occupied West Bank and Gaza, including the Federation of Unions of Palestinian Universities' Professors and Employees and the umbrella organization of Palestinian NGOs in the occupied West Bank, PNGO. Read this statement by the Palestinian Campaign for the Academic and Cultural Boycott of Israel.


    Par noesam - Publié dans : ENGLISH;history of palestine and israél
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    Lundi 12 janvier 2009 1 12 /01 /2009 17:48

    Following the shocking decision by the International Atomic Energy Agency to refer Iran’s nuclear case to the UN Security Council, which can impose sanctions against Tehran, it is essential to bear in mind a number of points;

    1- Attempts by the United States and the European Union to stop Iran’s nuclear program is unfair. Iran has an "inalienable right" to peaceful nuclear technology as a signatory to the NUCLEAR NON-PROLIFERATION TREATY. Countries that possess sufficient nuclear weapons to destroy the world several times over didn’t sign this pact. Washington and its European allies have for decades turned a blind eye to Israel. To the Iranians, it seems like some people have sovereignty while others do not.

    "Our nation can't give in to the coercion of some bully countries who imagine they are the whole world and see themselves equal to the entire globe," President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad said as the EU circulated the UNSC referral resolution at the IAEA.

    2- Iran, which signed additional protocols and volunteered to suspend nuclear activities during talks with the European Union, has gone beyond its obligations under the NPT to assure the West of it's peaceful intentions. Yet the United States and the European Union asked the IAEA to send its dossier to the Security Council for “violating its nuclear obligations”. In fact, it is the U.S. and other nuclear powers that have not fulfilled their obligations under the NPT, including those stated in Article VI: “Each of the Parties to the Treaty undertakes to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament, and on a Treaty on general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control.” It is no surprise then when Iran’s Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki describes the recent IAEA vote as “illegal”, and says that it is "the result of a political will based on U.S. hostility" toward Iran.

    3- Although the Iranian government said that it will end its voluntary suspension of industrial-scale uranium enrichment, a process that generates fuel for nuclear reactors or a nuclear bomb - depending on the level of enrichment, it is still a long way from the production of atomic weapons.

    There are two ways to produce an atomic weapon: using either highly enriched uranium, or separated plutonium. According to the influential London-based think tank International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS), Iran isn’t capable of pursuing either or both routes. Moreover, IAEA chief Mohamed El-Baradei assured the world on December 6, 2005 when he said that the IAEA has found no "smoking gun" in Iran that would indicate a nuclear weapons program.

    4- "Yesterday we had two options. One was the option of resistance and the other was surrender," Mottaki said following news of Iran’s referral to the UN Security Council.

    "We chose resistance." Why and how does Iran resist? The West fails to realize that Iran’s current power in the region is a direct result of the invasion of Iraq and the rise of a Shia-dominated government in Baghdad. The growing pressures against Iran over its NUCLEAR PROGRAM have more to do with Tehran’s close ties with the Iraqi government and the future consequences of such relations.

    5- Asked whether Congress had the political will to use military force against Iran if necessary, U.S. Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist said: "The answer is yes, absolutely… We cannot allow Iran to become a nuclear nation… We need to use diplomatic sanctions. If that doesn't work, economic sanctions, and if that doesn't work, the potential for military use has to be on the table."

    Also Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld didn’t rule out using military force against Iran to curb its nuclear ambitions. "All options, including the military one, are on the table," he recently said. But warmongers fail to realize that any diplomatic escalations, economic sanctions or military decisions will directly affect the ordinary Iranians, who have nothing to do with their fears, much like what happened to the Iraqis who were the real victims of years of sanctions against Saddam’s regime and who bore the brunt of the attacks following the illegal 2003 invasion.

    6- Iran needs the nuclear technology to generate electricity. Some argue that it doesn’t need nuclear power as it has the world’s second largest oil and gas reserves. But global oil production is expected to peak in 5 to 25 years, and demand is expected to exceed supply sometime after that.

    Therefore, it makes sense for Iran to look toward alternative means for generating electricity. Tehran has a good reason to preserve oil for other purposes including increasing revenues from export.

    7- If Iran were to obtain nuclear weapons, it would pose a real threat to its regional neighbors, not the United States. Israel could defend itself because it is the only nuclear-armed country in the Middle East. It is believed to have more than 200 nuclear weapons, the missiles to deliver them to Iran, and it is no secret that it has been threatening strikes on Iran's nuclear sites, just as it launched an unprovoked attack on Iraq's, Osiraq nuclear electric power plant in 1981. Even if Iran poses a direct threat to the U.S., so is North Korea. Moreover, a military attack against Iran wouldn’t be consistent with the U.S.’s reaction to the acquisition of nuclear weapons by Pakistan.

    Singling out Iran for military action or trade sanctions under such circumstances, especially after the U.S.‘s failure to find weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, would inflame anti-American sentiments in other countries, particularly in the Islamic world, making it even more difficult to gain support for other U.S. foreign policies.

    “Thirty years ago, Iran developing a nuclear capacity caused no problems for the Americans because, at that time, the Shah was seen as a strong ally, and had indeed been put on the throne with American help”, Tony Benn, Britain's secretary of state for energy from 1975-79, was quoted as saying.

    "There could hardly be a clearer example  of double standards than this, and it fits in with the arming of SADDAM to attack Iran after the Shah had been toppled, and the complete silence over Israel's huge nuclear armory“.

    Par noesam - Publié dans : ENGLISH;history of palestine and israél
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    noesam@voila.fr

    • : sionazisme
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    • : Tout Juif qui se respecte, religieux ou séculier, ne peut plus garder le silence, voir pire, soutenir le régime sioniste, et ses crimes de génocide perpétrés contre le peuple palestinien...La secte sioniste est à l’opposé du Judaïsme. .................... Mensonge, désinformation, agression, violence et désobéissance de la loi internationale sont aujourd’hui les principales caractéristiques du sionisme israélien en Palestine.
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